Mahmoud Khalil on exile, liberation, and ICE detention: ‘It was a clear act of cruelty’

Mahmoud Khalil on exile, liberation, and ICE detention: ‘It was a clear act of cruelty’

The Guardian Headline Full font family includes several styles, each available in multiple formats. The light, regular, medium, and semibold weights are provided, with both normal and italic variants. These fonts are hosted at the specified URLs and support woff2, woff, and truetype formats.@font-face {
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}This appears to be a block of CSS code defining styles for an interactive content column. It includes rules for margins, padding, borders, colors, and typography, particularly for elements like drop caps and inline figures. The styles are applied to various content sections such as article bodies, comments, and features, with specific adjustments for different screen sizes and element types.For showcase elements in article containers, the figcaption is set to a static position, with a full width up to 620px.

Immersive elements span the full viewport width, minus the scrollbar. On screens up to 71.24em, their maximum width is 978px, and figcaption padding adjusts based on screen size. For screens between 30em and 71.24em, padding is 20px; below 30em, it’s 10px.

Between 46.25em and 61.24em, immersive elements have a max width of 738px. Below 46.24em, they align to the left with adjusted margins: -10px on the left by default, or -20px between 30em and 46.24em, with figcaption padding of 20px.

The furniture-wrapper uses a grid layout on screens 61.25em and above. It defines grid columns and rows for positioning elements like title, headline, meta, standfirst, and portrait. Headlines have a top border, meta sections include top padding, and standfirst text has specific styling for links and borders. On larger screens (71.25em+), the grid structure changes, and meta sections include a before pseudo-element. Figures within the wrapper have adjusted margins and a max width of 630px when inline.The provided text is CSS code, not natural English text. It defines styles for a webpage layout, including grid structures, spacing, colors, and responsive behavior for different screen sizes. To rewrite this in fluent English while preserving meaning, I would need to interpret the code into a description of the intended visual design and layout rules.

For example:

This CSS styles a webpage layout with a grid system. It positions elements like the headline, metadata, and standfirst (intro text) in specific columns and rows. The headline uses a bold font that changes size on larger screens. A thin border line appears above the metadata section. The standfirst has a left margin and padding, with a vertical line beside it on wider screens. The main media area adjusts its width and margins responsively, and image captions are styled with a background color and positioned at the bottom. Various elements hide or change appearance at different breakpoints to adapt to mobile, tablet, and desktop views.The CSS code defines styles for a dark-themed article layout. It includes:

– Styling for captions, buttons, and their hover states
– Responsive adjustments for different screen sizes
– Color variables for dark mode (using –darkModeFeature and –darkBackground)
– Layout rules for headlines, meta information, and social sharing elements
– Media queries that adjust margins, padding, and positioning on larger screens
– Special handling for interactive content columns

The styles ensure proper contrast in dark mode while maintaining the publication’s brand colors for interactive elements.This CSS code styles elements within a container with the class “furniture-wrapper”. It removes borders and background images from links in the “standfirst” section, underlines them with a specific color, and changes the underline color on hover. Text in paragraphs and list items is set to a light gray color.

For larger screens, the first paragraph in the “standfirst” section gets a top border, which is removed on even larger screens. List items and decorative elements also adjust based on screen size.

The container itself gets sidebars on medium and larger screens, with their width and position calculated based on the viewport and scrollbar width. These sidebars have background colors and borders matching the theme.

Additional rules style social and comment elements with border colors, set heading font weights, and load a custom font named “Guardian Headline Full” from a specified URL.@font-face {
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}The Guardian website uses custom fonts for its headlines and titles. These fonts are loaded from specific URLs in different formats like woff2, woff, and truetype. They include bold, italic, and black variations with corresponding font weights and styles.

For mobile users on iOS and Android, the site adjusts its color scheme in dark mode. It defines specific colors for backgrounds and features, and applies styling to the first letter of paragraphs in articles to enhance readability and visual appeal.For Android devices, the first letter of the first paragraph after the initial element or sign-in gate in the comment article container uses the secondary pillar color, or black if undefined.

On iOS and Android, the article header height is set to zero in feature, standard, and comment article containers. The furniture wrapper in these containers has top padding of 4px and horizontal padding of 10px.

Labels within the furniture wrapper use a bold, serif font family, adopt the new pillar color, and are capitalized. Headlines are styled with a 32px bold font, 12px bottom padding, and a dark gray color (#121212).

Images in the furniture wrapper are positioned relatively, have top and left margins, span the viewport width minus the scrollbar, and adjust their height automatically. Inner elements, images, and links within these figures inherit the same relative positioning.For images in article containers on Android, the background is transparent, and the width adjusts to the viewport minus the scrollbar, with the height set to auto.

On iOS and Android, the standfirst section in article containers has top and bottom padding, with a negative right margin. The text inside uses specific font families.

Links within the standfirst on both iOS and Android use a custom color, have underlined text with an offset and a border color, and no background image or bottom border. On hover, the underline color changes to match the custom color.

Meta sections in article containers on both platforms have no margin. The byline and author details within the meta section are also styled accordingly.For iOS and Android devices, the following CSS rules apply:

– Author bylines and related elements in feature, standard, and comment articles are styled with a color defined by the variable `–new-pillar-colour`.
– The `meta__misc` section in these articles has no padding.
– SVG elements within `meta__misc` use the same variable for their stroke color.
– The caption button in showcase elements is displayed as a flex container, centered with 5px padding, 28px width and height, and positioned 14px from the right.
– The article body has 12px padding on the left and right.
– Image figures (excluding thumbnails and immersive elements) in the article body follow the same styling.For iOS and Android devices, the following styles apply to article containers (feature, standard, and comment):

– Non-thumbnail and non-immersive images have no margin, a width calculated as the viewport width minus 24 pixels and the scrollbar width, and an automatic height.
– Captions for these images have no padding.
– Immersive images use the full viewport width minus the scrollbar width.
– Blockquotes with the “quoted” class use the new pillar color for their decorative element.
– Links in prose are styled with the primary pillar color, an underline offset by 6 pixels, and a color from the header border variable. On hover, the underline color changes to the new pillar color.

In dark mode:
– The furniture wrapper background becomes dark gray (#1a1a1a).
– Content labels within the furniture wrapper inherit this background.For iOS and Android devices, the following styling applies to article containers:

– Content labels use the color defined by the variable `–new-pillar-colour`.
– Headlines have no background color and use the color from `–headerBorder`.
– Standfirst paragraphs and links use the color from `–headerBorder`.
– Author bylines and their links use the color from `–new-pillar-colour`.
– Miscellaneous metadata icons use the stroke color from `–new-pillar-colour`.
– Captions for showcase images use the color from `–dateline`.
– Blockquotes within the article body use the color from `–new-pillar-colour`.For iOS and Android devices, the background color of article, feature, and comment bodies is set to a dark background. Additionally, the first letter of paragraphs following certain elements in these sections is styled with a drop cap effect.This CSS code targets the first letter of paragraphs that follow specific elements, such as `.element-atom` or sign-in gates, across various article containers and body types (iOS and Android). It applies styling to the first letter in these contexts.This CSS code defines styles for specific elements on Android and iOS devices. It includes rules for first-letter styling, padding adjustments, dark mode preferences, and header opacity. The code also sets custom properties for colors and adjusts margins and padding for various article containers and components.For iOS and Android devices, the following styles apply:

– Content labels in standard and comment articles use the new pillar color or a dark mode feature color.
– Headlines in feature, standard, and comment articles are set to a light gray color (#dcdcdc) and override other styles.
– Links in article headers and title sections use the new pillar color or a dark mode feature color.
– Meta section separators use a repeating linear gradient with the header border color, creating a dashed line effect.
– Byline text in meta sections is set to light gray (#dcdcdc).
– Links within meta sections use the new pillar color or a dark mode feature color.For Android devices, links within the meta section of article containers (feature, standard, and comment) are styled with a color that uses the new pillar color or a dark mode feature color as a fallback.

On iOS and Android, SVG elements within the meta misc section of these article containers have a stroke color set to the new pillar color or the dark mode feature color.

Labels within the alerts section of the meta area in these containers are styled with a light gray color (#dcdcdc) and marked as important.

Icons within the meta section, identified by a data-icon attribute, are colored using the new pillar color or the dark mode feature color.

Additionally, for iOS devices, the pseudo-element :before for these icons in the meta section is also styled with the same color variable.For iOS and Android devices, the following CSS rules apply:

– Icons within meta sections use the new pillar color, or a dark mode feature color as a fallback.
– On larger screens (over 71.25em), meta sections display as blocks with a top border matching the new pillar color or a default header border color. The meta misc elements have a left margin of 20px.
– Paragraphs and unordered lists in article bodies have a maximum width of 620px.
– Blockquotes with the “quoted” class use the secondary pillar color for their decorative elements.
– Links within article body prose are styled consistently.In a small immigration courtroom in rural Louisiana on April 11, 2025, a quiet but significant moment unfolded—one that may mark the beginning of resistance against the growing authoritarianism of Donald Trump’s second term.

That afternoon, Mahmoud Khalil, a Columbia University graduate and Palestinian activist, stood before a judge. Dressed in a blue prison uniform, he spoke calmly and directly to the court, far from the media spotlight and over a thousand miles from his family and friends in New York.

A month earlier, Khalil had been arrested in the lobby of his Manhattan apartment building as he returned home with his wife. Now detained in the town of Jena, he had just been told by the judge that he could be deported from the U.S. solely because of his political beliefs.

Khalil asked to speak. He paused for a moment, then began.For a moment, he paused, then sharply rebuked the judge who held his fate in her hands, turning her own words against her. He reminded her that she had promised him “due process” and “fundamental fairness.”

“Neither of those principles were present today, or at any point in this process,” he told her, effectively calling the proceedings a kangaroo court. “This is exactly why the Trump administration sent me to this court, a thousand miles away from my family. They are doing everything in their power—and beyond it—to punish and deport me.”

I was one of the few journalists in the courtroom that day. It was a time of heightened tension in the U.S., his arrest being the first in a series of high-profile detentions of students targeted by immigration authorities for their political views. In that climate of fear, when many were falling silent, I was struck by the quiet courage Khalil showed so naturally, even as formal opposition to Trump’s heavy-handed tactics had largely faded.

Four months later, out on bail and back in New York, I asked Khalil where that strength came from and whether he considered it an act of bravery.

“No,” he said softly. “I’ve always believed in standing up to injustice. I knew it was predetermined—a play, theater. I didn’t want to play by their rules.”

On a bright summer day in Brooklyn, Khalil invited me to his new apartment, which overlooked the borough’s low-rise buildings. The walls were freshly painted white—he had moved in just weeks earlier—and we sat on a gray sofa by the window. His four-month-old son, Deen, cried softly in the next room as his wife, Noor Abdalla, comforted him.

It was a classic scene of a young New York family: a baby rocker beside a large TV, white tulips in a ceramic vase, vibrant artwork on the walls. Khalil was warm and open, offering me chocolate and water before we began talking. But the grim reality of his situation soon surfaced as we called one of his attorneys, who listened in on our three-hour conversation as a precaution.

Though free from detention, the Trump administration’s case against him is still making its way through the courts. As a legal permanent resident, he acknowledges that deportation remains a real possibility.

“This administration is trying everything in its power—and beyond—to punish and deport me,” he said. “Until very recently, they were still trying to re-arrest me.”

He is preparing contingency plans for that scenario, though he didn’t share details. For now, he’s trying to regain some sense of normalcy. He spends his days with Deen, learning to be a father after missing the birth while detained. He recently rode the subway for the first time since his release but still finds himself looking over his shoulder. The move to Brooklyn was partly to distance himself from Columbia’s campus and the painful memories there. Still, it’s hard to focus.

A Palestinian refugee, no stranger to displacement, he remains steadfast even in the face of potential exile.

“Even if I am deported,” he said, “I will continue to speak out for Palestine.”

Khalil’s life changed forever when plainclothes agents came to his apartment in March. His arrest, captured on video by Abdalla, marked a turning point as Trump escalated mass deportations and cracked down on campuses with large protests against Israel’s war in Gaza. Khalil stayed calm as he was taken into custody.Handcuffed and driven away, he left his heavily pregnant wife on the sidewalk, desperately calling their lawyer. I wonder if he has ever watched the video back. He shakes his head. “It is a moment I would never want to remember,” he says. “It was one of the most difficult, scariest moments in my life. I do not want to watch a moment where I was helpless to support Noor.”

His strongest memory of that night is the fear that Abdalla, a U.S. citizen, might also be arrested. He repeated her phone number in his head so he wouldn’t forget it. But he also remembers making casual small talk with the agents as they drove him away. They spoke about the iftar dinner, the meal to break the fast during Ramadan, that he had just eaten. “I did not fear them whatsoever,” he recalls. “I saw them eye to eye.”

Shortly after the arrest, he overheard an incoming call from the White House asking for an update. He was then given a document that accused him of no crime but claimed his presence in the U.S. harmed foreign policy interests. (A later memo signed by U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio stated this was due to his participation in “antisemitic protests and disruptive activities.”) He read it and laughed in disbelief. “Are they really going this far in coming after me?” he thought.

After 36 hours of guarded travel, he ended up in Jena, a sprawling detention center four hours from New Orleans, hidden in a pine forest along a country road. It is known as one of the harshest immigration jails in the U.S. Inside his large dormitory, the TV was blaring, and he saw Trump at a press conference on the White House lawn, looking at Teslas with Elon Musk. The president was asked about Khalil’s arrest. “We ought to get him the hell out of the country,” Trump replied.

It was then that he began to grasp the enormity of it all—a public narrative spinning out of his control, fueled by a vast right-wing disinformation network branding him an antisemite and terrorism supporter. “Who I am has been skewed so much,” he recalls thinking. “I was like: ‘Damn, my future is basically done… my reputation, my career aspirations.'”

Yet amid the horror, he felt certain his record would speak for itself. “That was my salvation,” he says. “I was 100% confident I had a very clean history. They would be able to get no dirt on me.” He spoke to Abdalla by phone; she was safe and told him about the outpouring of support from around the world. He sighed with relief.

That quiet courage, which Khalil has carried throughout this ordeal, was forged in childhood, through the many times he was forced to upend his life. He was born in Khan Eshieh, a small Palestinian refugee camp on the outskirts of Damascus, the youngest of four brothers. His paternal grandparents were displaced from their farmland near Tiberias, in what is now Israel, during the Nakba of 1948. His father, a welder, left school at age 10. His mother, a low-level civil servant, ended her education at 16.

Growing up, his Palestinian identity was ever-present; most neighbors were displaced from the same region as his grandparents. His grandmother, who was illiterate, would tell stories of her life in Palestine, always with the hope of one day returning. “You could see the struggle in her face,” he says.

His parents, both largely apolitical, instilled in him the value of education, and he excelled, graduating with dreams of becoming a commercial pilot. But history had other plans. His final years of schooling in Syria coiHis activism began during the Arab Spring, a time of pro-democracy movements across the region. On May 15, 2011, he joined Nakba Day protests at Israel’s borders, where Israeli forces killed at least a dozen demonstrators and injured many more. Khalil, then 16, was shot in the leg and hospitalized. “That was my first direct experience of Israeli violence,” he recalls.

The incident drew him deeper into the turbulent politics of the time—initially hopeful, but soon marked by state brutality and civil war. He saw the Assad regime crack down on friends and family who sheltered those fleeing Damascus. Khalil began organizing small acts of resistance: street protests, graffiti, and anti-Assad posts online. “It was the least we could do,” he says. “When injustice surrounds you, silence is complicity.”

After high school, he was set to study aerospace engineering in Aleppo, but the city was engulfed in war. On January 11, 2013, just after his 18th birthday, two of his childhood friends and fellow organizers, Bashar and Ali, were seized by Syrian intelligence. Fearing he would be next, Khalil fled to Lebanon the next day. “I left everything behind,” he says. “My biggest fear was that they would reveal our names under torture.” Bashar and Ali were killed in custody; their deaths were confirmed only months ago, after the Assad regime fell in late 2024.

Khalil reflects on the different forms of authoritarianism he has faced. “When I was detained by U.S. immigration, what shocked me was how much it reminded me of Syria,” he says. “Plainclothes officers would take you without a warrant, just for your political speech.”

In August 2025, Khalil led a pro-Palestinian march in New York. He spent over 100 days in a detention center in Jena, which he hadn’t known was a legal black hole for deportations. He slept in a dorm with about 70 men, dictated updates to his legal team, and read books like Edward Said’s Out of Place and Viktor Frankl’s Man’s Search for Meaning. Mostly, he shared stories with other detainees. Many were picked up during routine check-ins or at the border; some had been held for over a year. Most had no lawyer, as legal representation isn’t guaranteed.

One man from Georgia, detained for eight months with his wife, was held in a separate facility two hours away. They hadn’t spoken since their arrest, after fleeing Georgia’s pro-Russia government. The man, a carpenter, passed time making rosaries from commissary items like crayons, coffee grounds, and bread hardened into beads.Khalil heats something in the microwave and shows me a set of dishes, still impressed by their clever design. He tells me many of the men he knew have since been deported from the U.S.

For Khalil, the hardest moment came the night his son was born. His requests for leave to be there were denied, so he had to listen over the phone in the middle of the night, whispering words of encouragement while Abdalla was in labor. The call dropped around 2 a.m., and when he called back, he could hear his newborn son crying in the background. He whispered the call to prayer into the phone to welcome baby Deen into the world.

“It was a very difficult moment that I wouldn’t wish on anyone,” he says, his gaze drifting. “It felt like a deliberate act of cruelty, just to punish me.”

Abdalla comes out to say hello, holding Deen. Khalil’s face brightens. At four months old, his son has a full head of hair, deep dimples, and expressive brown eyes that follow his father around the room.

I ask Abdalla how it feels to have her husband back.

“Not having him for the first two months of Deen’s life was hard,” she says. “We missed a lot of milestones you can’t get back. So now we’re catching up on lost time.”

She describes their new apartment as their “safe space.” The couple has been warmly welcomed here, receiving spontaneous acts of kindness—an unexpected free lunch, smiles on the street. I’m the first journalist they’ve invited over.

Khalil met his wife, now a dentist, in Lebanon in 2016 while working for a nonprofit that helped educate Syrian refugees. She was there on an exchange program. After fleeing Syria, Khalil had worked his way up from nothing, taking construction jobs by day and volunteering for a refugee charity in the evenings, which provided him room and board. He eventually went to university to study computer science and took English classes. He let go of his dream to fly commercial jets and became more involved in government and bureaucratic work.

Khalil and Abdalla bonded over games of backgammon and stayed in touch after she returned home to Flint, Michigan. He was drawn to her kindness and gentle nature; she admired his intellect and ambition. She encouraged him to apply for a job at the British embassy, where he worked on Syria policy until moving to New York in 2023. Their long-distance relationship lasted seven years.

I ask how fatherhood has changed him since he returned home.

“It definitely makes me think more about risks,” he admits. “When someone depends on you, you want them to have as normal a life as possible. But it also pushes me toward advocacy. When I see Deen, I think of the children being killed because of Israel, who don’t have the luxury of being in New York. I think of immigrant children who don’t have the protection of an American passport.”

But Palestinian liberation is always on his mind.

“I want Deen to be able to visit his hometown, his ancestors’ town, and live as an equal with everyone,” he says.

The pro-Gaza protests at Columbia were the first time Khalil had taken on a public role. Though he had aimed for a behind-the-scenes job in government, he found himself at the center of campus turmoil in the spring of 2024, as students set up encampments, held rallies, and in late April, occupied Hamilton Hall, leading to a major police response.

Khalil served as a negotiator with the university administration, presenting student demands, including divestment from companies tied to Israel. He wasn’t on campus during the H—The occupation of Hamilton Hall involved lengthy but civil negotiations. A Columbia administrator, speaking anonymously to the New York Times, later described Khalil as “thoughtful, passionate, and principled, sometimes to the point of rigidity.” That seems fitting, but does he agree?

“Pretty much,” he says with a smile. “I’m not sure about ‘rigidity,’ though, because it wasn’t my position—it was the students’.”

Unlike many protesters, Khalil did not wear a mask, making him vulnerable to doxing by hardline pro-Israel groups. These groups have provided the Trump administration with lists of people they believe should be deported.

“I never wore a mask during protests because I knew the purpose of doxing was to intimidate and silence us,” he explains. But the campaign intensified after Trump’s election, shortly before Khalil’s arrest. He hadn’t anticipated how dangerous it could become.

Accusations of antisemitism have never been backed by solid evidence. Khalil points out that Jewish students played a key role in organizing the campus protests and argues that it is the policies of Israel and the Trump administration that fuel global antisemitism.

When asked how he envisions a free Palestine, he says, “I imagine it as a place where everyone lives with dignity, freedom, and equality, no matter who they are or where they come from. I don’t think there’s any alternative if we want lasting and just peace in the Middle East.

“Liberation doesn’t mean expelling anyone. It means freeing everyone, both the oppressed and the oppressors.”

Khalil remains critical of Columbia’s response to the protests and its later surrender to the Trump administration’s demands to suppress pro-Palestinian activism. Still, he feels genuine sadness about not being able to walk the stage to receive his master’s degree in May. He is the first in his family to graduate from university. His parents, who now live in Germany, had planned to attend. He had even bought his gown a year ahead of time.

“I know it would have been an incredibly important moment for my parents, who fought and sacrificed so much for me to get here,” he says. Instead, his diploma arrived as an emailed PDF file.

In late June, Khalil was released from jail on a hot, humid afternoon. He raised his fist in celebration and walked toward a small group of journalists. He had lost about 15 pounds. A federal judge in New Jersey had just ordered his release, ruling that the Trump administration’s foreign policy argument was likely unconstitutional.

That day, I asked him to respond in his own words to the “threat” label Trump had given him. “Trump and his administration chose the wrong person for this,” he told me.

At the time, I didn’t fully understand what he meant by “the wrong person.” But as our conversation ended, it became clear. The hardships Khalil has faced—from displacement to detention—in such a short life have only strengthened his sense of purpose. He refuses to be silenced or subdued. He sees his past and future as inseparable from the broader Palestinian struggle, from 1948 to the current violence in Gaza. “It is just a drop in the sea of Palestinian sorrow and grief, where families are being erased, children are being killed, homes are being raided, and dignity is being stripped away.””Done,” he says, pausing for a moment before we finish. He seems a little worn out.

“My story is just a small one,” he adds. “It’s about how violence against Palestinians can travel across the world.”

Frequently Asked Questions
Of course Here is a list of FAQs about Mahmoud Khalil his exile liberation and ICE detention written in a clear and natural tone

BeginnerLevel Questions

1 Who is Mahmoud Khalil
Mahmoud Khalil is an Egyptian human rights defender and researcher who was arrested tortured and ultimately forced into exile for his work documenting human rights abuses in Egypt

2 What does exile mean in his case
Exile means he was forced to leave his home country and cannot return If he goes back to Egypt he faces a high risk of imprisonment further torture or worse because of his activism

3 What is ICE detention
ICE detention is when the US government holds immigrants in jaillike facilities while it decides whether they can stay in the country or will be deported

4 Why was he in ICE detention
After escaping Egypt he sought safety in the US While his asylum case was being processed he was detained by ICE His supporters argue he should have been released as he posed no threat and was a victim of persecution

5 What did he mean by calling it a clear act of cruelty
He was describing the experience of being imprisoned by the US after already being imprisoned and tortured in Egypt It felt like a profound injustice and an unnecessary infliction of suffering by a country he hoped would protect him

Advanced Detailed Questions

6 How did he get out of ICE detention
He was eventually liberated or released from detention due to a combination of factors a successful legal challenge to his detention a growing public campaign advocating for his release and support from human rights organizations

7 What is the connection between exile and seeking asylum
Exile is the state of being forced out of ones country Seeking asylum is the legal process where someone who is in exile formally asks another country for protection because they fear persecution back home

8 What are the common challenges for someone like Mahmoud after being liberated from detention
Even after release individuals face a long and uncertain asylum process difficulty finding work the psychological trauma of their past torture and current detention and the constant fear of deportation

9 Can you give an example of why his case is significant
His case highlights a major