After months of total blockade or severely restricted supplies, with thousands of starving children in Gaza facing death, Israel finally agreed last week to allow more aid, along with electricity and water, into the territory. However, given Israel’s systematic destruction of Gaza’s medical infrastructure, this aid won’t prevent lasting harm to many severely malnourished children. At best, this is only a temporary pause.
For months, Israel’s far-right government has been clear in its intentions. It has made Gaza unlivable by destroying homes and infrastructure. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his ministers have repeatedly stated their goal: the ethnic cleansing—euphemistically called “voluntary emigration”—of most of Gaza’s population. While Israel may slow this campaign temporarily, it won’t stop unless forced by international pressure. So far, that pressure has been far too weak.
The UK has stepped up its rhetoric, using words like “appalled” and “horrified.” It has also restricted arms sales to Israel and sanctioned ministers Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir. But as a G7 member, the world’s sixth-largest economy, and a close ally of Israel, the UK could do much more. Emily Thornberry has suggested that Netanyahu “only listens to Trump, and even then only sometimes,” implying little can be done beyond appealing to the U.S. president.
This misunderstands Israel and underestimates the UK’s leverage. Netanyahu and his ministers may ignore British demands, but Israel is not an isolated dictatorship like North Korea. Its economy is deeply globalized, and its society values international ties—including with the UK. From banking to defense, trade to tourism and academia, the two countries are closely connected. By maintaining business as usual, Israel’s allies allow its government to continue its deadly campaign with little more than symbolic disapproval.
After Hamas’s October 7 massacre, Western governments supported Israel’s retaliation, effectively giving its far-right government free rein. Despite unprecedented ICC arrest warrants against Netanyahu for starvation crimes, international sanctions remain minimal. The Israeli government is counting on this indifference. As one coalition member recently said, “We can kill 100 Palestinians every night in Gaza, and no one in the world cares.” Tragically, he hasn’t been proven wrong.
Over the past 21 months, tens of thousands of Israelis have protested, demanding a ceasefire and hostage deal. While polls show most want the war to end, the fragmented opposition hasn’t been able to topple the government. Part of the problem is that Israel’s key economic players—finance, tech, and unions—have hesitated to actively oppose the government, despite many privately opposing it.
This reluctance stems partly from Israel’s surprisingly resilient economy. True, its credit rating has dropped and deficits have grown. But since July 2024, the Tel Aviv stock market has surged nearly 30%. Growth is projected at 4.6% in 2026, and unemployment remains low. The war has even boosted certain sectors: defense exports are soaring, with the UK among the buyers. According to SIPRI, between 2020 and… [text cuts off]In 2024, Israel was the UK’s second-largest arms supplier. Across the UK and Europe, Israelis are mobilizing against the genocide, demanding sanctions. In December 2024, over 500 Israelis in the UK urged their government to sanction Ben Gvir and Smotrich. Recently, a new UK-based Israeli group called Mi-Neged—which I’m part of—called on Keir Starmer and David Lammy to impose broad sanctions on Israel, targeting not just a few “bad apples” but the entire system. These measures would include suspending the Trade and Partnership Agreement (TPA) and ending military cooperation.
For many of us, this is deeply painful. Calling for sanctions against the country where we grew up, where our families and friends still live, is not easy. But we are horrified by what has happened—and by what could happen if we don’t act.
If the UK suspends Israel’s preferential trade access, the EU might follow. The EU is Israel’s biggest export market, accounting for a third of its exports. Proposals to suspend parts of Israel’s EU association agreement are already being discussed.
Right now, Israel’s middle and upper-middle class is still open to outside pressure. This group has enough influence to drive political change, and civil society can still challenge the government. But Netanyahu is cracking down harder on protesters and the press, rapidly consolidating power. Many fear the next Knesset elections won’t be free or fair. The less democratic and more extremist Israel becomes, the less effective sanctions will be. The time to act is now.
Yair Wallach is a reader in Israeli studies and head of the Centre for Jewish Studies at SOAS University of London.
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