Ignore the tough talk: as Netanyahu cuts off food to Gaza, the world is turning against him – and he knows it | Jonathan Freedland

Ignore the tough talk: as Netanyahu cuts off food to Gaza, the world is turning against him – and he knows it | Jonathan Freedland

“No one likes us, we don’t care.” This chant might rally fans in Millwall Football Club’s south London stadium, but as a national strategy, it’s disastrous. Yet Israel has adopted this defiant stance on the world stage, seemingly indifferent to growing global condemnation—condemnation that gained significant momentum this week.

As country after country criticized Israel for the starvation, destruction, and bloodshed in Gaza, Israeli officials responded with their usual defiance. When Keir Starmer announced Britain’s plan to recognize a Palestinian state, Jerusalem’s deputy mayor dismissed it as “much ado about nothing.” Similar reactions followed France’s earlier pledge and Canada’s announcement that it would do the same. Sometimes the response is casual indifference, other times outright anger—but the message remains unchanged: Israel won’t yield. As its ambassador to Canada put it, “Israel will not bow to the distorted campaign of international pressure.”

Yet despite the bravado, the “diplomatic tsunami” long predicted by Benjamin Netanyahu’s critics has arrived—and it matters. More than 140 of the UN’s 193 member states already recognize Palestine, and now major Western powers like France, the UK, and Canada (three G7 members) are joining them. This week, 125 countries at a UN conference urged Netanyahu to commit to a Palestinian state alongside Israel, reviving the long-dormant two-state solution.

Israel and its defenders push back with several arguments. First, they accuse critics of appeasement. Netanyahu tweeted at Starmer, claiming, “Appeasement towards jihadist terrorists always fails,” casting himself as Churchill and Starmer as Chamberlain—a false analogy that ignores the reality of Palestinian self-determination.

Second, they claim recognition “rewards terror,” as if acknowledging Palestine validates Hamas’ October 7 attacks. But the New York declaration, signed by Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Qatar, and the Arab League, explicitly condemns Hamas’ atrocities—the first such denunciation by Arab states. It also demands Hamas relinquish power in Gaza and disarm, handing control to the Palestinian Authority. Starmer and other leaders envision the PA, not Hamas, leading a future state. This isn’t rewarding terror—it’s isolating it.

A stronger objection comes from those demanding the release of the remaining 20 Israeli hostages held by Hamas. Their plight underscores the urgency of ending this crisis—but Israel’s isolation only deepens as the world moves toward recognizing Palestinian statehood. The question isn’t whether pressure will mount, but whether Netanyahu will finally heed it.Critics argue that Keir Starmer made a serious mistake by suggesting the UK would not recognize a Palestinian state if a ceasefire deal were reached between Hamas and Israel in Gaza. They claim this stance effectively encourages Hamas to reject any deal—which would require releasing some hostages—so that UK recognition proceeds as promised.

Starmer’s supporters counter that this argument misunderstands Hamas. They say the group has no interest in a Palestinian state coexisting with Israel in the West Bank and Gaza. Instead, Hamas seeks a single, jihadist state across the entire territory, from the river to the sea.

Moreover, abandoning the principle of Palestinian independence after October 7 would reward Hamas, allowing them to derail the two-state solution they have opposed for over 30 years—since their first suicide bombings on Israeli buses.

A stronger criticism is that these diplomatic gestures merely highlight governments’ powerlessness. Recognition won’t feed a single child in Gaza, and if Netanyahu ignores Starmer’s demands, it will only expose the British PM’s weakness. This week’s move tacitly acknowledges that reality—accepting that Israel’s actions are making a two-state solution increasingly unviable.

Previously, Starmer insisted recognition should come as part of a meaningful peace process. Now, he seems to realize no such process exists, and holding onto this diplomatic card risks it becoming worthless. As Wes Streeting put it, the UK should recognize Palestine “while there is still a state of Palestine to recognize.”

The hope in London, Paris, and elsewhere is that when the Gaza war ends, the framework for peace will already be in place. But Netanyahu isn’t listening. He long ago decided Israel could ignore the world—dismissing the EU, UN, and global institutions as biased—except for the U.S. Over the past decade, he narrowed that further, ignoring Democrats and relying solely on the Republican Party.

This strategy is reckless. Israel needs more than one ally. The EU and UK may not supply arms like the U.S., but they are crucial trading partners. Even the GOP isn’t entirely reliable—parts of the MAGA movement are hostile to Israel (Marjorie Taylor Greene recently accused Israel of genocide). And while Trump scorns international opinion, he still craves its approval—like a Nobel Prize.

Increasingly, Israelis are realizing the cost of Netanyahu’s pariah status. A small sign is the hostility Israeli tourists now face in Greece. This may explain why Israeli officials reacted so fiercely to Starmer’s move, loudly insisting they weren’t bothered. More and more Israelis know they should be.Not everyone can be like Millwall: people might not like them, but many certainly care about them.

Jonathan Freedland writes for The Guardian.

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