As the Israel-Gaza war approaches its second year, with images of starvation and widespread destruction circulating widely on social media, cracks are beginning to show in the American right’s traditionally unwavering support for Israel.
The U.S. continues to back Israel diplomatically and militarily, and last week withdrew from peace talks, accusing Hamas of undermining negotiations. In Congress, only two Republicans voted for a recent amendment that would have cut funding for Israel’s missile defense systems. One of them, Marjorie Taylor Greene, became the first Republican to label Israel’s actions as “genocide” in a statement on Monday.
However, the war’s prolonged duration, its heavy human toll, and recent Israeli strikes on Christian sites have sparked signs of discontent among some conservatives. A few right-wing commentators have softened their support for Israel’s campaign, while the U.S. ambassador to Israel—a staunch Zionist—publicly criticized Jewish settlers in the West Bank. Meanwhile, divisions over foreign intervention continue to simmer within the MAGA movement.
These shifts reflect broader trends in U.S. public opinion. A recent CNN poll found a sharp decline in American support for Israel since the war began. While the drop was most pronounced among Democrats and independents, Republican backing also fell—from 68% in 2023 to 52% today.
The harrowing reports of starvation in Gaza—where the U.N. says 147 people, including 88 children, have died from hunger, and nearly a third of the population goes days without food—have likely influenced this shift. On Monday, Donald Trump contradicted Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s claim that there is no famine in Gaza, telling reporters: “That’s real starvation … I see it, and you can’t fake that. So, we’re going to be even more involved.” Trump made these remarks during a visit to the U.K., where even the right-wing Daily Express ran a headline pleading, “FOR PITY’S SAKE STOP THIS NOW.”
Recent Israeli attacks on Christian sites in Gaza and the West Bank have also angered some conservatives. Last Thursday, after an Israeli tank shelled Gaza’s only Catholic church, killing three and wounding nine—including a priest—Trump reportedly called Netanyahu to express his frustration.
Days later, U.S. Ambassador Mike Huckabee visited Taybeh, a Palestinian Christian town in the West Bank repeatedly targeted by Israeli settlers, who recently set fire near a fifth-century church. Huckabee condemned the attack as “an absolute travesty” and “an act of terror,” calling for the perpetrators to be prosecuted—though he stopped short of directly blaming the Israeli government or settlers.
While isolationist and populist factions on the right have long questioned the U.S.-Israel alliance, their views have been overshadowed by the pro-Israel camp, which enjoys strong evangelical Christian support.
Huckabee, an evangelical who calls himself an “unapologetic, unreformed Zionist,” has previously claimed that Israel has a divine right to the West Bank and even denied the existence of Palestinians. His strong statement on Taybeh was seen as surprising by Todd Deatherage, co-founder of Telos, a nonprofit that promotes nuanced perspectives on the conflict among U.S. policymakers and religious groups.The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has shown some unexpected nuances in conservative circles. Sohrab Ahmari, a conservative commentator, called Mike Huckabee’s recent remarks notable, especially given Huckabee’s typical alignment with older evangelical views. Huckabee has also urged Israel to thoroughly investigate the killing of Palestinian-American Sayfollah “Saif” Musallet, who was reportedly beaten to death by settlers in the West Bank.
The conflict has also stirred debate in U.S. conservative media. While Israel called a recent church strike a battlefield error, right-wing commentator Michael Knowles expressed doubts on his show. A generally pro-Israel Catholic, Knowles said, “I’ve been broadly supportive of Israel, but you’re losing me.” He criticized Israel’s handling of the war, arguing it should end soon, and warned of political consequences, noting America is Israel’s only reliable ally. Some critics accused him of only caring about Gaza’s casualties when they were Christian.
Meanwhile, The Free Press, founded by Bari Weiss as a counter to mainstream liberal media, published an article acknowledging that while past claims of famine in Gaza were exaggerated, a real hunger crisis is now emerging. The outlet has otherwise been strongly pro-Israel.
In another shift, Joe Rogan reportedly refused to host Benjamin Netanyahu on his podcast, according to the Israeli prime minister’s son. Additionally, conservative New York Times columnist Ross Douthat argued in a recent op-ed that Israel’s military campaign has become unjust.
Though the U.S. right is seen as firmly pro-Israel today, this hasn’t always been the case. George H.W. Bush’s administration clashed with Israel over West Bank settlements. The right’s staunch support solidified after 9/11, when Christian conservatives and defense hawks viewed Israel as a key ally against Islamic terrorism.
Christian Zionism gained momentum with the 2006 founding of Christians United for Israel (CUFI), which now surpasses AIPAC in membership. Donald Trump’s alliance with the religious right further amplified its influence. Some evangelicals see biblical reasons for backing Israel, while a fringe group even interprets Middle East conflicts as signs of the End Times—a belief reignited by recent strikes on Iran.
However, polling shows a generational divide: younger evangelicals, like most young Americans, are increasingly skeptical of Zionism.Support for Israel among young American evangelicals appears to be declining. A 2021 University of North Carolina survey found only 33.6% of evangelicals aged 18-29 backed Israel, down sharply from 69% in 2018. Similar trends have been noted in University of Maryland polling.
“Younger evangelicals are rethinking what it means to be Christian in public life,” said Deatherage. “They’re uncomfortable with the political compromises made by older generations.”
The debate over Christian Zionism flared up during a June episode of Tucker Carlson’s show featuring Senator Ted Cruz. Carlson represents a growing “America First” faction within the MAGA movement that questions U.S. support for Israel. When Cruz cited biblical reasons for backing Israel, Carlson mocked the idea of shaping foreign policy through scripture.
While some Israel criticism has crossed into antisemitism—like far-right commentator Candace Owens’ conspiracy-laden remarks—more measured skepticism has gained ground among mainstream MAGA conservatives. A younger group of conservative thinkers, sometimes called “restrainers,” argue the U.S. should prioritize its own interests, even if that means reducing support for allies like Israel.
Though loosely defined, this camp includes figures like Pentagon policy chief Elbridge Colby, Middle East policy official Mike DiMino, and JD Vance. While pro-Israel Republicans still dominate, Deatherage sees growing dissent: “There’s pressure on Trump to back Israel unconditionally, but opposing voices are getting louder.”
