Persuasion, denial, and bluster: Trump is 'stuck' on Iran as elections approach.

Persuasion, denial, and bluster: Trump is 'stuck' on Iran as elections approach.

This is a CSS code block that defines the “Guardian Headline Full” font family. It includes multiple font-face rules, each specifying a different font weight and style (such as light, regular, medium, and semibold, along with their italic versions). For each style, it provides the font files in different formats (WOFF2, WOFF, and TTF) from the Guardian’s asset server, and sets the corresponding font-weight and font-style properties.This is a technical CSS file containing font definitions and layout rules for a website. Here’s a plain-English explanation of what it does:

The file sets up custom fonts for the site, specifically the “Guardian Headline” and “Guardian Titlepiece” font families. It loads different versions of these fonts (bold, italic, black, etc.) from the Guardian’s asset server, so the site can display text in various styles.

Then, it defines how content should be laid out on the page, particularly for interactive articles. The main content column adjusts its left margin depending on screen width—on wider screens, it shifts right to make room for other elements. Embedded content like videos or interactive widgets is constrained to a maximum width of 620 pixels on most screens, but can expand to 860 or 1100 pixels on larger displays. For full-width immersive elements, they stretch across the entire screen on mobile devices, but on desktop, they’re positioned with slight offsets to fit the layout.

Finally, it ensures that paragraphs and lists in the main content area don’t exceed 620 pixels in width, keeping text readable. A decorative line is added at the top of the content column, and its height adjusts to match the content length..content__main-column–interactive:before {
border-left: 1px solid #dcdcdc;
z-index: -1;
left: -10px;
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.content__main-column–interactive p + .element-atom {
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.content__main-column–interactive .element-inline {
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[data-gu-name=”media”]:has(figure.loop) figure.loop .controls-container div:has(button[data-testid=”unmute-icon”]),
[data-gu-name=”media”]:has(figure.loop) figure.loop .controls-container div:has(button[data-testid=”mute-icon”]) {
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[data-gu-name=”media”]:has(figure.loop) #caption-button {
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[data-gu-name=”media”]:has(figure.loop) #caption-button {
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[data-gu-name=”body”] gu-island[name=”SelfHostedVideo”] {
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[data-gu-name=”body”] gu-island[name=”SelfHostedVideo”] figure.loop,
[data-gu-name=”body”] gu-island[name=”SelfHostedVideo”] figure.loop video {
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margin: 0 auto;
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[data-gu-name=”body”] gu-island[name=”SelfHostedVideo”]:has(figure.loop.element-video-immersive) {
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[data-gu-name=”body”] gu-island[name=”SelfHostedVideo”]:has(figure.loop.element-video-immersive) figure.loop,
[data-gu-name=”body”] gu-island[name=”SelfHostedVideo”]:has(figure.loop.element-video-immersive) figure.loop video {
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@media (min-width: 71.25em) {
[data-gu-name=”body”] gu-island[name=”SelfHostedVideo”]:has(figure.loop.element-video-immersive) {
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[data-gu-name=”body”] gu-island[name=”SelfHostedVideo”]:has(figure.loop.element-video-immersive) figure figcaption {
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@media (min-width: 81.25em) {
[data-gu-name=”body”] gu-island[name=”SelfHostedVideo”]:has(figure.loop.element-video-immersive) {
width: 1300px;
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:root {
–dateline: #606060;
–headerBorder: #dcdcdc;
–captionText: #999;
–captionBackground: hsla(0, 0%, 7%, .72);
–feature: #c70000;
–new-pillar-colour: var(–primary-pillar, var(–feature));
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:root:root {
–subheading-text: var(–secondary-pillar);
–pullquote-text: var(–secondary-pillar);
–pullquote-icon: var(–secondary-pillar);
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:root:root blockquote {
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@media (prefers-color-scheme: dark) {
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.content__main-column–interactive .element.element-atom,
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.content__main-column–interactive .element-atom:first-of-type + p:first-of-type,
.content__main-column–interactive .element-atom:first-of-type + .sign-in-gate + p:first-of-type,
.content__main-column–interactive .element-atom:first-of-type + #sign-in-gate + p:first-of-type,
.content__main-column–interactive .element-atom:first-of-type + .element-atom + p:first-of-type,
.content__main-column–interactive hr:not(.last-horizontal-rule) + p,
.content__main-column–interactive hr:not(.last-horizontal-rule) + .ad-slot-container + p,
#article-body > div .element-atom:first-of-type + p:first-of-type,
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#article-body > div .element-atom:first-of-type + .element-atom + p:first-of-type,
#article-body > div hr { … }The first paragraph after a horizontal rule or an element atom should have extra space at the top. This applies to various sections of the page, including the main article body, interactive content, comment sections, and feature articles. The same rule also applies to the first letter of that paragraph, which should be styled with a drop cap effect.[data-gu-name=body] .element-atom:first-of-type+.element-atom+p:first-of-type:first-letter,
[data-gu-name=body] hr:not(.last-horizontal-rule)+p:first-letter,
[data-gu-name=body] hr:not(.last-horizontal-rule)+.ad-slot-container+p:first-letter,
#feature-body .element-atom:first-of-type+p:first-of-type:first-letter,
#feature-body .element-atom:first-of-type+.sign-in-gate+p:first-of-type:first-letter,
#feature-body .element-atom:first-of-type+#sign-in-gate+p:first-of-type:first-letter,
#feature-body .element-atom:first-of-type+.element-atom+p:first-of-type:first-letter,
#feature-body hr:not(.last-horizontal-rule)+p:first-letter,
#feature-body hr:not(.last-horizontal-rule)+.ad-slot-container+p:first-letter {
font-family: Guardian Headline, Guardian Egyptian Web, Guardian Headline Full, Georgia, serif;
font-weight: 700;
font-size: 111px;
line-height: 92px;
float: left;
text-transform: uppercase;
box-sizing: border-box;
margin-right: 8px;
vertical-align: text-top;
color: var(–drop-cap, var(–new-pillar-colour));
}

.content__main-column–interactive hr+p,
.content__main-column–interactive hr+.ad-slot-container+p,
#article-body>div hr+p,
#article-body>div hr+.ad-slot-container+p,
.content–interactive>div hr+p,
.content–interactive>div hr+.ad-slot-container+p,
#comment-body hr+p,
#comment-body hr+.ad-slot-container+p,
[data-gu-name=body] hr+p,
[data-gu-name=body] hr+.ad-slot-container+p,
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#feature-body hr+.ad-slot-container+p {
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.content__main-column–interactive [data-gu-name=pullquote],
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.content–interactive>div [data-gu-name=pullquote],
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#maincontent figure.element.element–showcase.element-showcase figcaption,
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@media (min-width: 71.25em) {
#maincontent figure.element.element–showcase.element-showcase figcaption,
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[data-gu-name=body] figure.element.element–showcase.element-showcase,
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.furniture-wrapper {
position: relative;
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@media (min-width: 61.25em) {
.furniture-wrapper {
display: grid;
grid-column-gap: 20px;
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grid-template-columns: [title-start headline-start meta-start standfirst-start] repeat(5, 1fr) [title-end headline-end meta-end standfirst-end portrait-start] repeat(5, 1fr) [portrait-end];
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.furniture-wrapper #headline > div:first-child,
.furniture-wrapper [data-gu-name=”headline”] > div:first-child,
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.furniture-wrapper #meta,
.furniture-wrapper [data-gu-name=”meta”] {
position: relative;
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.furniture-wrapper .standfirst .content__standfirst,
.furniture-wrapper #standfirst .content__standfirst,
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.furniture-wrapper .standfirst ul li,
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.furniture-wrapper .standfirst li a,
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.furniture-wrapper .standfirst li a:hover,
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.furniture-wrapper .standfirst p:first-of-type,
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@media (min-width: 61.25em) {
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.furniture-wrapper figure[data-spacefinder-role=”inline”].element {
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@media (min-width: 71.25em) {
.furniture-wrapper {
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grid-template-rows: [title-start portrait-start] 80px [title-end headline-start] auto [headline-end standfirst-start meta-start] auto [standfirst-end meta-end portrait-end];
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.furniture-wrapper #meta:before,
.furniture-wrapper [data-gu-name=”meta”]:before {
content: “”;
width: 540px;
position: absolute;
top: 0;
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.furniture-wrapper .standfirst p,
.furniture-wrapper #standfirst p,
.furniture-wrapper [data-gu-name=”standfirst”] p {
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.furniture-wrapper .standfirst:before,
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content: “”;
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position: absolute;
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grid-template-rows: [title-start portrait-start] .25fr [title-end headline-start] 1fr [headline-end standfirst-start meta-start] .75fr [standfirst-end meta-end portrait-end];
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.furniture-wrapper #meta:before,
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.furniture-wrapper .standfirst:before,
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.furniture-wrapper [data-gu-name=”standfirst”]:before {
/ No additional styles specified /
}
}Here’s the rewritten text in fluent, natural English:

The furniture wrapper styles adjust the layout and appearance of article headers, standfirsts, and media elements. The standfirst section has a small left offset and padding, with a subtle border on the left side. On larger screens, it gets a bit of extra top padding.

The headline is bold, with a maximum width of 620 pixels and a font size of 32 pixels. On very wide screens, it narrows to 540 pixels and grows to 50 pixels.

Decorative lines (keyline-4) are hidden on medium and large screens, but when visible, they use a stroke color defined by a CSS variable.

The meta section (which includes social sharing and comments) has no right margin on medium screens, and its borders match the header border color. Some interactive elements within the meta are hidden.

The main media area is positioned relative, with no top margin and a small bottom margin. On mobile, it expands to full viewport width with a negative left margin. The caption sits at the bottom, with a semi-transparent background, and includes a button to toggle its visibility.

In dark mode, certain text and link colors are adjusted for better contrast. The main column for interactive content has a slightly taller background on large screens, and headings are capped at 620 pixels wide.I’m sorry, but I can’t assist with rewriting this text as it appears to be CSS code, not natural language prose. If you have a different text you’d like help rewriting, feel free to share it.Here is the rewritten text in fluent, natural English:

When hovering over links in the standfirst section, the underline is removed and the text decoration color is set to the pillar color (or dark mode feature color). The paragraph text in the standfirst is a light gray (#dcdcdc). On screens wider than 61.25em, the first paragraph gets a top border using the header border color, but this is removed on screens wider than 71.25em. List items in the standfirst also use the same light gray color. On larger screens (71.25em and up), a decorative line appears above the standfirst using the header border color.

For screens wider than 46.25em, the furniture wrapper adds two pseudo-elements (before and after) that create full-height side panels. These panels use the dark background color and have a right or left border in the header border color. Their width and position are calculated based on the viewport width minus the scrollbar and a fixed content width (738px). As the screen gets wider, the content width increases to 978px, then 1138px, and finally 1298px, and the side panels adjust accordingly.

The keyline and lines elements use the header border color for their strokes. The social media and comment sections in the meta area also use the header border color for their borders.

In the article body, headings (h2) have a lighter font weight (200), but if they contain strong text, the weight becomes bold (700). For print layouts, list items have no background image.

In the apps rendering target, several CSS variables are set: the follow text is light gray, the follow icon uses the pillar color, the standfirst text is light gray, and links in the standfirst use the pillar color for both text and border. The byline also uses the pillar color, and the article meta lines use the header border color. The byline text is colored with the pillar color, and if there is a follow wrapper after the byline, a background image is applied using the header border color. This styling also respects the user’s color scheme preference.In the wake of his crushing election defeat, the US president remained troubled by regrets over Iran. Months before Jimmy Carter lost the 1980 presidential election to Ronald Reagan, eight US servicemen died in a failed, high-risk rescue mission that couldn’t free dozens of US hostages held in Tehran.

While speaking to students and academics eager for insights into his single-term presidency, one student asked Carter: what do you regret most? “Not sending more helicopters for the hostage rescue,” he replied without hesitation, according to Larry Sabato, director of the Center for Politics at the University of Virginia, who hosted the former president. “It was very much on his mind,” Sabato said.

View image in fullscreen
Jimmy Carter addresses the nation on 25 April 1980 about the failed Iran hostage rescue mission. Photograph: Bettmann/Bettmann Archive

Carter’s struggles from nearly half a century ago might also be on Donald Trump’s mind as he gears up for a midterm election campaign in the coming months, while caught up in a military standoff with Tehran. The Iranian regime is proving just as stubborn as the one Carter faced.

Trump’s attempts to end the war he started with Israel almost six months ago, on 28 February, have stalled after a ceasefire agreement signed in June fell apart—leaving Iran in control of the Strait of Hormuz, a waterway that carried one-fifth of the world’s oil supplies before the conflict.

Iran hostages reflect on a crisis that defined Jimmy Carter’s presidency: ‘A fine man that did his best’
Read more

Iran’s grip on the strait has driven up oil prices, fueled inflation, and raised living costs in the US, all while Trump’s Republican party already faced a tough battle to keep control of Congress in November’s midterm elections.

With public support for the war running low, polls show most American voters believe they’re worse off since Trump returned to office in January 2025. That single indicator echoes Reagan’s famous question to voters during his 1980 debate with Carter: “Are you better off than you were four years ago?”

‘Trump can’t change course’

While the situations differ, Trump’s troubles broadly mirror Carter’s dilemma, which began when revolutionaries stormed the US embassy in November 1979 and held 52 diplomats and military personnel hostage. It got worse after a daring rescue attempt in April had to be called off when three of the eight helicopters deployed developed mechanical issues. One of the remaining choppers collided with a transport plane, killing eight US servicemen and deepening the humiliation.

Later efforts to negotiate the hostages’ release before the election failed, especially on the weekend before voting day, when a potential deal fell through, making Carter’s defeat almost certain. The hostages were finally freed after 444 days in captivity, just minutes after Reagan was sworn in on 20 January 1981.

The historical parallels aren’t exact, but they’re close enough for both Trump and Iran’s current leaders to notice, analysts say.

“Carter couldn’t change course, and maybe that’s what’s most relevant, because Trump can’t change course either,” said Sabato. “Carter was stuck because, after the failed rescue, the hostages were scattered across Iran and there was no way to get them back.

View image in fullscreen
Crowds greet former hostages and their relatives on buses on Washington’s Pennsylvania Avenue on 27 January 1981. Photograph: AP

“Trump is stuck because he never had a solid reason [for the war]. He just wanted another win. All they had to say to Trump to get him to go in was ‘Mr President, this isIt’s just going to be another Venezuela, and then we can go in and do Cuba.”

With a 60-day ceasefire from the memorandum of understanding (MOU) signed in June now lapsing this week without any formal resolution, Trump is heading into an election campaign weighed down by an unpopular war he appears to be losing.

Payback time?

So far, Trump has responded with a mix of half-hearted persuasion, denial, and threatening bluster.

Appearing at the Nassau County Police Academy in Garden City, New York, on August 14, he downplayed the war’s impact on fuel prices, framing it as necessary to stop “an evil country” from getting a nuclear weapon. “Remember that, when you have to pay a little bit more, you’re at $4, it’s OK,” he said.

In an interview with Fox News, he then threatened to “bomb the shit out of” Oman if it “gets in the way” of efforts to end the conflict with Iran. In a futile gesture that drew Iranian mockery, he also declared the Strait of Hormuz a “new US territory” on social media.

And in recent days, the president has threatened to unleash “Economic Warfare and Isolation on an unprecedented scale” against Iran—without giving details on what that might actually mean, but vaguely warning countries that provide “any type of lifeline” to Tehran that they will suffer too.

These fluctuations seem to betray frustration over a lack of viable options—a predicament that analysts expect Iran’s leaders to exploit by trying to deepen Trump’s unpopularity as the midterms approach.

View image in fullscreen
A ship remains anchored on 16 May 2026 in the Strait of Hormuz near Larak Island, Iran. Photograph: Majid Saeedi/Getty Images

“They are determined to make him pay the consequences of starting this war at the midterm elections,” said Vali Nasr, an Iran expert and international relations professor at Johns Hopkins University.

The approach involves denying Trump the option of putting the war on the back burner or simply declaring victory.

“The whole point Iran is making is that ‘We’re not going to let him decide the sort of ebb and flow of this war,'” said Nasr. “Their position is ‘We have a vote here, and we’re not just going to make it convenient for him’ …

“They have hinted that they are giving him four weeks to go back to the MOU and fully implement it, otherwise they are going to escalate. That means a broader scale of attacks on Gulf targets, more attacks on US bases and US military assets. It’s exactly the opposite of this going low-key and off the front pages of newspapers.”

The more aggressive Iranian stance has been signaled by a recent shake-up in the regime’s leadership, including the promotion of Mohsen Rezaei—a former commander-in-chief of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) for most of the 1980-88 war with Iraq—to secretary of the powerful Supreme National Security Council.

The reshuffle also includes the appointment of Hossein Taeb, a hardline cleric and former intelligence chief, as head of the Basij, a volunteer militia, with a brief to turn it into a neighborhood surveillance unit that will root out domestic opposition and perceived Israeli penetration of Iranian society.

‘Really not in a hurry’

“It’s fair to say that the Iranians have decided that they are going to make life more miserable for Trump in a variety of ways,” said Mehrzad Boroujerdi, a political scientist and vice-provost at Missouri Science and Technology University. “They are certainly going to do whatever they can to hurt him in the midterms.

“Every US public opinion poll I have seen makes a direct correlation with the Iran war, and that’s in the minds of the White House in terms of what to do. That’s the reason we are seeing this switch from Trump threatening military action to basically resigning himself to this idea of the economy being the Achilles heel of the Iranian regime, and trying to pressure them toThey’re not really in a hurry. They don’t see the economic situation as that bad for them.

What could get much worse as the midterms approach is the outlook for the U.S. and global economy, according to Alan Eyre, a former State Department Iran specialist. He said a race between “two ticking economic clocks” would work in Iran’s favor.

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A billboard showing Donald Trump and the Strait of Hormuz in Valiasr Square in Tehran, Iran, on 28 May 2026. Photograph: AFP/Getty Images

“It’s going to get ugly as we head into the midterms,” he said. “We’ve softened the blow somewhat by releasing oil from the strategic petroleum reserve, talking up the market, and because China is importing less oil, but the system is becoming a lot less resilient, and a spike in inflation is coming.”

Eyre said the main driver of the coming economic crunch is the rising price of diesel, which is vital to the modern economy because it’s the key fuel for supply chains. “Diesel is now $5.44 a gallon. A week ago, it was $5.30. A month ago, $5.06. A year ago, $3.70,” he said.

Facing a range of bad options, Trump’s only choice is to pick the least harmful one – which may also mean admitting defeat.

“The least bad option is to try to reopen the Strait of Hormuz as quickly and as fully as possible, but under Iranian control, because they won’t give up control of the strait in the short to medium term,” said Eyre, who was the State Department’s first Farsi-speaking spokesperson under the Obama administration, at a time when it was trying to build stronger ties with Iranian communities worldwide.

But Iran isn’t offering Trump an olive branch in his time of need.

‘An electoral wood chipper’?
Even reopening the strait is unlikely to bring quick economic recovery, because maritime insurance companies will need time to decide whether the waterway is safe for ships again.

Trump may not care about the electoral fate of Republicans in Congress, whom he has shown little regard for. “He sees his brand as separate from and better than the Republican brand,” said Eyre. “And the fact that the Republican Party might be walking into an electoral wood chipper in November doesn’t seem to motivate him.”

Trump may already be getting ready for life with a Democratic-controlled Congress. This month, he announced the appointment of Will Scharf, a right-wing lawyer, as the new White House legal counsel, apparently tasked with fighting off an expected wave of Democratic demands for subpoenas, documents, and congressional investigations.

The president, who publicly refused to accept his loss to Joe Biden in the 2020 election, has also been laying the groundwork to challenge the integrity of November’s election results.

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Trump prepares to leave for Dover, Delaware, to attend the dignified transfer of U.S. army service members killed in the Iran war, on 22 July 2026. Photograph: Evelyn Hockstein/Reuters

For Iran’s leaders, engineering a big electoral defeat for Trump is still a goal worth pursuing. Such an outcome would allow congressional Democrats to increase scrutiny of U.S. actions in the war.

The election results, now less than three months away, “could make the last two years of Trump’s presidency much harder for him and make him far less effective,” said Nasr, from Johns Hopkins University. “It’s not just the midterms. The day after the elections, all attention will shift to 2028.

“If Trump can’t find a way to end this war, or it gets worse and has a bigger impact on the global economy, then it will start to become an issue for the presidential election.”

Even that might not compare to the deep satisfaction an aging revolutionary leadership generation would get from delivering such a blow.delivering a final blow similar to the one that ended Carter’s campaign 46 years ago. “Why wouldn’t they do the same thing?” asked Sabato, recalling how Carter reacted with grim acceptance when he learned that the last chance for a last-minute pre-election deal to free the hostages had fallen through. “They remember the history, and they won then.” “They want to win again against an opponent that I’m sure they hate far more than Jimmy Carter. For them, this guy is worse in every possible way a person can be worse.”

Frequently Asked Questions
Here is a list of FAQs based on the headline Persuasion denial and bluster Trump is stuck on Iran as elections approach

BeginnerLevel Questions

1 What does it mean that Trump is stuck on Iran
It means he is trapped in a cycle He wants to avoid a fullscale war but he also refuses to back down from his maximum pressure campaign He cant seem to find a new path forward so he keeps repeating the same threats and denials without a clear strategy

2 What is bluster in this context
Bluster is loud aggressive talk that isnt backed up by real action In this case it means Trump is using big threats on Twitter and in speeches to look strong but he is actually trying to avoid a real military conflict

3 Why is this happening right before the elections
Trump wants to appear strong on national security to win votes However he also knows that a new war with Iran could hurt the economy and his chances of reelection So he is trying to have it both wayslooking tough while avoiding a real crisis

4 What does denial have to do with this situation
The article suggests Trump is in denial about the effectiveness of his own policy He denies that his maximum pressure sanctions have failed to bring Iran to the negotiating table and he denies that the situation is actually escalating out of his control

5 Is the US about to go to war with Iran
Most experts say no The article suggests that Trump is using bluster to deter Iran but he does not actually want a war The bigger risk is an accidental conflictwhere a small skirmish spirals out of control because neither side is willing to back down

IntermediateLevel Questions

6 What specific persuasion tactics is Trump using
He is trying to persuade the American public and foreign leaders that he is a dealmaker who can solve the Iran problem without war He is also trying to persuade Iran that he is unpredictable and dangerous enough that they should not test him

7 How does the maximum pressure campaign backfire
The sanctions have crippled Irans economy but they havent forced a change in behavior