On the night of February 27, 1933, just six days before national elections, the German Reichstag was set on fire. Firefighters and police found a Dutch communist named Marinus van der Lubbe at the scene, and he admitted to starting the fire. Nazi Reichstag president Hermann Göring soon arrived, followed by future propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels and Adolf Hitler, who had been having dinner together.
Two competing conspiracy theories—still unresolved—spread about who was really responsible: either the Nazis, using van der Lubbe as a scapegoat, or a communist plot. But the three Nazi leaders had no doubts. Göring declared it a communist conspiracy. Hitler called it “a God-given signal,” adding, “If this fire, as I believe, is the work of the communists, then we must crush this murderous pest with an iron fist.”
On September 10, 2025, within minutes of Charlie Kirk’s assassination—before any suspect or motive was identified—a flood of voices, from neo-Nazi influencers to Republican members of Congress, began blaming the left for the murder of the highly effective far-right political organizer.
Donald Trump amplified these accusations. In a televised address from the Oval Office that night, he said, “Radical left… rhetoric is directly responsible for the terrorism we’re seeing in our country today, and it must stop right now.” He notably left out any mention of violence against progressives or Democrats.
Is Kirk’s assassination Trump’s Reichstag fire?
There are major differences between Germany in 1933 and the U.S. in 2025. Germany’s democracy was only 14 years old at the time. The Weimar Republic, born out of postwar hardship and public bitterness over Germany’s defeat, was unstable from the start. Out of those same conditions, the Nazi movement grew in strength.
Hitler’s attempted coup in 1923—the Beer Hall Putsch—failed but brought him national attention. During what the Nazis called the “time of struggle” from 1925 to 1932, stormtroopers and other thugs carried out near-constant acts of terrorism and violence against political opponents, Jews, and other minorities. The Reichstag fire on February 27, 1933, ignited in an environment ready to explode.
In contrast, American democracy is nearly 250 years old. It has survived division, corruption, and violence—often emerging stronger, better governed, and more just. Today, despite attacks on the press, partisan gerrymandering, police brutality against peaceful protests, and a right-leaning judiciary, Americans still have civil liberties, even if they are frayed and under threat. That’s more than Germans had after the Reichstag fire. But it’s becoming clear that, without widespread public resistance, these freedoms may not last.
Despite the differences, this moment in the U.S. shares many parallels with Germany over 90 years ago. American history is filled with injustice and repression—from the seizure of Indigenous lands to heightened surveillance after the 9/11 attacks. But the scale and scope of Trump’s attacks on democracy are unprecedented. We must learn from the past to understand how dangerous this moment is and where it might lead.
Within hours of the Reichstag fire, German President Paul von Hindenburg signed an emergency decree “for the protection of people and state” that eliminated civil liberties, including freedom of speech, assembly, and the press, as well as due process rights. A wave of repression followed, with thousands of communists, Social Democrats, trade unionists, and intellectuals—identified on lists compiled by stormtroopers—arrested. On the first night alone, 4,000 people were taken to SA barracks and tortured. The violence continued unchecked.
On March 23, 1933, with almost all opposition members barred from taking their seats, the Reichstag passed the Enabling Act, effectively granting Hitler dictatorial powers and marking the end of German democracy.On February 28, the German parliament passed the Enabling Act, which granted Hitler and his ministers full legislative power and permanently suspended civil liberties. Just weeks later, the first concentration camp, Dachau, was established. The fire in Berlin accelerated the collapse of German democracy, reducing it to ashes.
Now, the Trump administration is using Kirk’s assassination much like the Nazis used the Berlin fire—to justify widespread repression. While Trump has not yet barred Democrats from Congress or arrested opposition figures en masse, he is using government tools to silence anyone who speaks even mildly against him or his allies.
In recent days, the FCC chair threatened Disney, ABC, and its affiliates with punitive measures if they did not cancel Jimmy Kimmel Live after the host joked that Kirk’s killer was part of the “Maga gang.” The companies complied, and Kimmel’s show was suspended indefinitely. Autocrats are not known for tolerating criticism with grace.
Blaming the entire American political left for Kirk’s murder wasn’t limited to far-right podcasters, influencers, or militia leaders. Republican representatives, administration officials, and White House advisers joined in loudly, almost triumphantly.
South Carolina Congresswoman Nancy Mace told NBC News, “The Democrats own this,” referring to Kirk’s then-unknown killer as a “raging left lunatic.”
Florida Congresswoman Anna Paulina Luna posted on X: “EVERY DAMN ONE OF YOU WHO CALLED US FASCISTS DID THIS. You were too busy doping up kids, cutting off their genitals, inciting racial violence by supporting organizations that exploit minorities, protecting criminals… Your words caused this. Your hate caused this.”
Laura Loomer, a close Trump ally, added: “Prepare to have your whole future professional aspirations ruined if you are sick enough to celebrate his death. I’m going to make you wish you never opened your mouth.”
Trump himself was the loudest voice, promising: “My administration will find each and every one of those who contributed to this atrocity and to other political violence, including the organizations who fund it and support it, as well as those who go after our judges, law enforcement officials, and everyone else who brings order to our country.”
Filling in as host on Kirk’s radio show, JD Vance vowed to “go after the NGO network that foments, facilitates and engages in violence,” which he also called “left-wing lunatics.” He specifically named the Ford Foundation and the Open Society Foundations, the latter run by George Soros—a progressive, pro-democracy philanthropist and Jewish Holocaust survivor who has long been targeted by neo-Nazi rhetoric. Vance also threatened to investigate the nonprofit status of the left-leaning publication The Nation.
White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller, also on the show, declared: “With God as my witness, we are going to use every resource we have at the Department of Justice, Homeland Security, and throughout this government to identify, disrupt, dismantle, and destroy these [radical left] networks and make America safe again for the American people.”
On Tuesday, after Trump was confronted by protesters chanting “Free DC! Free Palestine! Trump is the Hitler of our time!” in a Washington, D.C. restaurant, Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche suggested on CNN that they might be investigated as “part of an organized effort to inflict harm and terror and damage to the United States.”
More recently, Trump told reporters he had discussed with Attorney General Pam Bondi the possibility of bringing federal racketeering charges against these “agitators” and expressed support for designating “antifa” as a terrorist organization.
In many ways, the crackdown on dissent has been building for months. Trump began his second term by implementing the Heritage Foundation’s Project Esther, targeting professors, students…Throughout college departments and beyond, anyone accused of “antisemitism”—which is often defined simply as criticism of Israel—is being targeted, with names provided by Zionist informants. This witch-hunt is growing.
These actions, along with Trump’s earlier measures, are reminiscent of Senator Joseph McCarthy’s campaign against communists and other alleged subversives in the 1950s. McCarthy required loyalty oaths for government workers, and many states followed his lead. Refusing to sign meant resignation or termination. In June, a plan to screen potential federal employees for loyalty to Trump’s agenda was abandoned after criticism, but since then, employees and high-ranking officials have been regularly fired for failing to show allegiance or for speaking truths inconvenient to the president. FBI Director Kash Patel published a list of so-called “deep state” traitors and has already punished a third of them. He denies it is an “enemies list,” though it echoes the lists McCarthy claimed to possess.
The president has considered invoking the Insurrection Act in response to protests against immigrant roundups. He declared a vague “crime emergency” to justify sending troops into Washington, D.C., and other cities, and ordered the creation of a federal “quick response force” to suppress civil unrest. He has authorized Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) to intimidate and brutalize brown, Spanish-speaking people assumed to be undocumented immigrants—a policy of racial profiling that violates the Fourth Amendment’s protection against unlawful search and seizure, yet has been permitted by the U.S. Supreme Court.
Before the National Socialists became Germany’s murderous ruling party, Nazism was a popular movement. Movements and parties are not separate, and governments must either mobilize support or crush opposition to survive. Our lawless government is both supported by and supports a lawless movement. As German Jewish philologist and diarist Victor Klemperer wrote on March 17, 1933: “It is shocking how day after day, naked acts of violence, breaches of the law, barbaric opinions appeal quite undisguised as official decree.” The same could be said of the U.S. under Trump.
The criminal president is backed by criminals. One provision of the Enabling Act granted amnesty to those who committed crimes “for the good of the Reich during the Weimar Republic.” After pardoning all the January 6 rioters, including those who assaulted and killed police officers, Trump quoted Napoleon: “He who saves his country does not violate the law.” During a 2016 presidential debate, he told the Proud Boys to “stand back and stand by.” Now he hints it may be time for them to act.
The challenges are immense. But alongside the resilience and endurance of U.S. democracy, there are reasons to hope that a resistance movement can survive and prevail this time.
Repression is spreading rapidly. Yet the same social media that polarize opinions, spread disinformation, and aid government surveillance also enable political organizing, circumvent censorship, verify truth, and connect global networks to evade repressive laws—such as feminist groups distributing abortion pills in red states.
The country appears deeply divided. However, the same federalism that allows states to gerrymander and pass undemocratic laws also empowers states committed to good governance, providing for their residents, and protecting them from federal abuses.
Washington Democrats may seem ineffective, but local progressive candidates are winning elections. While some law firms and major media outlets surrender to Trump’s pressure without resistance, the ACLU remains active, as do independent news organizations.
Despite Trump’s efforts to erase America’s history of oppression and the liberation movements that fought it, these stories are not forgotten. We understand the consequences of capitulation and passivity, as well as the potential achievements of struggles for peace and justice. It is easy to feel defeated, but we must not give up now.
Judith LevShe is a Brooklyn-based journalist, essayist, and the author of five books. Her Substack newsletter is called Today in Fascism.
Frequently Asked Questions
Of course Here is a list of FAQs about the topic of authoritarians exploiting opportunities for control with clear and concise answers
General Definition Questions
Q What does it mean when we say authoritarians exploit opportunities
A It means that leaders or groups who want total power actively look for moments of public fear confusion or crisis to push through laws that increase their own power while reducing citizens rights and freedoms
Q What is an authoritarian
A An authoritarian is a leader or government system that demands complete obedience from the people and concentrates power in its own hands often suppressing individual freedoms dissent and political opposition
Q Is this just something that happens in other countries
A No While some countries have clear longstanding authoritarian regimes the tactics used to gain control can emerge anywhere History shows that all democracies are potentially vulnerable if citizens are not vigilant
Historical Examples Patterns
Q Can you give me a clear historical example of this
A A classic example is Adolf Hitler in Germany He used the public fear and economic despair following World War I and the Great Depression to rise to power The Reichstag Fire in 1933 was a specific crisis he exploited to suspend civil liberties and seize emergency powers
Q What are some common tactics authoritarians use during a crisis
A Common tactics include
Declaring a state of emergency to bypass normal laws
Scapegoating a minority group or political opponents blaming them for the crisis
Controlling information by attacking the media as fake news or taking over news outlets
Promising simple drastic solutions to complex problems
Q Do authoritarians always use violence to take control
A Not always While force is common many modern authoritarians first use legal methods like changing the constitution manipulating elections or using propaganda to gain power in ways that can appear legal on the surface
Mechanisms Process Questions
Q Why do people often support authoritarian leaders during a crisis
