At first glance, former New Labour minister Liam Byrne seems an unlikely figure to explain the rise of right-wing populism and how to counter it. In 2010, as Gordon Brown’s government ended, Byrne notoriously left a one-line note for his successor as chief secretary to the Treasury: “I’m afraid there is no money.” Intended as both friendly advice and an inside joke, the line was seized upon by the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats to justify years of austerity—arguably fueling the very disillusionment with mainstream politics that has since driven populism. The erosion of public trust, alongside the damage inflicted by austerity on society and services, has nourished populist movements ever since.
In a sense, Byrne’s short but ambitious book is an attempt at atonement. Yet many of his arguments, delivered in the brisk, confident style that once marked him as a clever but impatient minister, are unlikely to convince readers he is thinking anew. He frequently echoes centrist voices like the Tony Blair Institute and former Keir Starmer advisers Claire Ainsley and Deborah Mattinson, who have long argued that defeating populism requires respecting its supporters, however right-wing their views. Given that Reform UK is now surging in the polls while Labour is often met with contempt by populist voters, this strategy of deference seems a dead end.
Byrne remains an MP, holding a slim majority in a constituency where Reform is strong, so there may be an element of self-preservation in his book’s claim that most voters “have a sixth sense about where the country needs to go.” But that does not make it persuasive. Across the West, populist voters are often motivated by myths—such as the belief that immigration to Britain is rising when it is actually falling. To suggest, as Byrne does, that centrist parties can win them back by accommodating parts of the populist worldview—rather than challenging its fantasies and prejudices—feels optimistic at best, and dangerously naive at worst.
Yet as the book races on, it becomes clear that alongside its unconvincing passages are others that examine populism with greater rigor and originality. Byrne neatly outlines the movement’s contradictions: it is anti-elite yet led and funded by the wealthy; it poses as a mass uprising but often depends on low turnout for electoral success; it champions freedom while promoting authoritarian policies; and it promises a glorious future while being “soaked in the brandy of nostalgia”—one of several vivid, irreverent images that enliven his chapters. Books by former New Labour ministers tend to be ponderous and defensive, showing little evidence of rethinking since the party’s heyday. Perhaps because of his semi-disgrace over the 2010 letter, Byrne writes with more freedom.
A particularly wide-ranging and useful chapter analyzes the language and themes of populist messaging. Byrne observes that while mainstream politicians often speak in chewy, unappetizing “word salads,” populists like Nigel Farage are clear and conversational. They blend a “soft” informal syntax with “acquisitive hard verbs,” resonating with voters who see the world in increasingly competitive, zero-sum terms. Populists, he notes, “sound like friends while speaking like generals.”
Byrne also highlights that the Italian Marxist theorist Antonio Gramsci—who understood “common sense” as deeply ideological, shaped by political and cultural struggle—was a key influence on 1980s French populism, one of the movement’s early revivals in Western democracies.Other sections of the book draw on dystopian science fiction and the left-leaning American magazine The Baffler. Byrne refreshingly looks beyond Westminster orthodoxies—though only up to a point. Without explicitly stating or justifying it, the book treats populism as an inherently right-wing phenomenon. Left-wing populism is largely overlooked, despite its potential and successes, from figures like Zohran Mamdani in New York to the growing influence of Zack Polanski’s Green Party. Byrne also fails to consider whether the radical left more broadly—through actions like street mobilizations—could play a role in countering right-wing populism. Britain, for instance, has seen frequent large-scale anti-racist and anti-fascist protests since Reform’s recent surge.
These omissions are telling. By sidelining the left, centrists—even relatively open-minded ones like Byrne—can downplay the role of rising inequality in fueling populism, an inequality that centrist governments and their corporate allies have done little to address or have actively exacerbated. While it’s not incorrect to view populism as driven by traditional patriotism, cultural conservatism, and frustration over the decline of “left behind” areas—and Byrne explains these factors well—this perspective conveniently downplays the economic roots of populism. These economic causes are more uncomfortable for mainstream political and business elites to confront, given their investment in the current economic system.
The final section of the book outlines what “the radical centre” should do to counter populism. It includes some sound proposals: more aggressively exposing the oligarchic tendencies and dishonesty of populist leaders; tightening loose political funding laws exploited by parties like Reform; focusing on winning back the least ideological populist voters; and raising taxes on the wealthy—both to better fund public services and to align with most voters’ anti-millionaire sentiment. As Byrne aptly notes, “Right now our tax code simply does not reflect our moral code.”
Would these measures be enough to “beat” populism? Probably not. The movement is now too global and entrenched. But even reducing its support by a few percentage points could prevent it from gaining power, buying time for centrists or leftists to develop alternative solutions.
Why Populists Are Winning And How to Beat Them by Liam Byrne is published by Apollo (£18.99). To support the Guardian, order your copy at guardianbookshop.com. Delivery charges may apply.
Frequently Asked Questions
FAQs Why Populists Are Winning and How to Beat Them by Liam Byrne
BeginnerLevel Questions
Q What is this book about in simple terms
A Its about understanding why populist politicians are gaining so much power globally and what practical strategies can be used to counter their appeal and build a more inclusive politics
Q Who is Liam Byrne and why should I listen to him
A Liam Byrne is a British Labour Party politician and former government minister He brings an insiders perspective from the centerleft combining political experience with extensive research to analyze a problem that has deeply affected his own party and country
Q Whats the surprisingly fresh take mentioned
A Instead of just blaming economic anxiety or social media Byrne argues that populists win by successfully offering a compelling story about identity belonging and the future To beat them opponents must build a better more optimistic story that addresses peoples real fears and hopes
Q Is this book only about politics in the UK
A No While Byrne uses examples from the UK and the US he draws on global trends and cases to explain a worldwide phenomenon making the lessons applicable to many democracies
Q What does the book define as populism
A It describes populism as a political style that claims to represent the pure people against a corrupt elite often simplifying complex issues into an us vs them battle It can come from both the right and the left
Advanced Practical Questions
Q How does Byrnes analysis differ from other explanations for populisms rise
A He doesnt dismiss economic factors but places greater emphasis on the cultural and narrative battle He argues that mainstream parties often fail because they offer technocratic management instead of a resonant story about national identity and purpose
Q What are some of the key weaknesses of mainstream parties that populists exploit according to the book
A Key weaknesses include appearing disconnected from local communities using jargon instead of clear language taking core voter groups for granted and failing to defend their own values and record with conviction
Q What are Byrnes main strategies for beating populists
A The core
