Merzsplaining: The chancellor's overconfidence is unpopular in Germany. But could it be what Europe needs? | Joseph de Weck

Merzsplaining: The chancellor's overconfidence is unpopular in Germany. But could it be what Europe needs? | Joseph de Weck

The 18th-century philosopher Johann Gottfried Herder is credited in Germany with coining the maxim: “Talk is silver, but silence is golden.” This saying has come to define Germany’s political culture. Olaf Scholz was economical with words and drew mockery for his wooden, monosyllabic replies, earning him nicknames like the “Scholzomat” or even the “coma chancellor.” Scholz was not entirely different from his predecessor. Angela Merkel grew up in East Germany’s communist dictatorship and learned early that words could be dangerous. She spoke cautiously, almost clinically, in the monotone of a central banker. Every word served a purpose, which is precisely why everyone listened closely.

In contrast, Friedrich Merz is anything but a soporific speaker. The trained lawyer has a sharp tongue and visibly enjoys the sound of his own voice. In this, the conservative chancellor resembles French President Emmanuel Macron—another beau parleur. And like Macron, Merz is a know-it-all, rarely missing a chance to show his audience how clever he is.

This approach is not endearing him to German voters, who traditionally prefer their politicians to be affable but not overly slick. Worse, Merz’s overconfidence tends to backfire. He sometimes loses his audience in explanatory detours, and his command of the facts is less sure-footed than his delivery suggests. In a recent wide-ranging interview on one of Germany’s leading political podcasts, Machtwechsel, Merz delivered a flurry of inaccurate or contradictory-sounding statements. Listeners couldn’t help but experience a sense of Fremdschämen—a German word that might best be expressed as “cringe.”

Despite his past experience as a finance executive (he worked for the asset management firm BlackRock), Merz claimed that Germany was “the only country in all of Europe with a triple-A rating” for its sovereign debt. In fact, within the EU alone, Denmark, the Netherlands, Sweden, and Luxembourg also hold top ratings.

Boundless self-assurance combined with a tendency to offer unsolicited commentary on subjects he has only partially mastered may not be a problem unique to Merz or to men of his generation. But “Merzsplaining” could explain why the chancellor’s approval ratings, particularly among women, remain so dismal.

Being the German chancellor is a tough job. Mistakes happen, and Germany’s political journalists delight in pointing them out. The eye-rolling after the podcast was not mere pedantry; it was about a pattern. Merz often opens his mouth before fully working out his argument. In domestic policy, this may be embarrassing. In matters of defence, it can carry serious risk.

In the same podcast interview, Merz declared himself ready to reconsider Germany’s commitment to the Franco-German fighter jet programme, FCAS. Unlike France, he argued, Germany’s future jets will not require a nuclear capability. Yet minutes earlier, he had insisted he wanted to explore a European nuclear deterrent with France—and suggested that German jets should be capable of carrying French nuclear weapons.

Belgium’s defence minister, Theo Francken, tagged Merz in a post on X: “Regarding nuclear deterrence, I really don’t understand why European leaders are so loose-lipped. Not wise. Please keep your mouth shut.”

Francken has a point. A Kremlin analyst listening to Merz could indeed only reach one conclusion: Germany still lacks a coherent plan for lessening Europe’s defence dependence on the U.S., other than throwing a lot of money at its own defence industry.

Yet if Merz’s loquacity can seem like a liability at home, in Europe his self-confidence could be seen as an advantage. His willingness to take risks—in a 2024 interview, he chose “courageous” when asked to describe himself in one word—and his recognition that politics in this volatile geopolitical era must surpass the managerial incrementalism of the Merkel era are pluses.

On the night of hFollowing his election victory in February 2025, he called for Europe to become more independent from the United States. At the Munich Security Conference earlier this month, he urged the EU to activate its mutual defense clause. “Germany is at the heart of Europe,” he said. “If Europe is torn apart, we are torn apart.”

Such “big speeches” are significant for Germany, given the country’s political climate. Germany’s pacifist instincts run deep, and the anti-EU, pro-Russia far-right Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) actively appeals to these sentiments. To secure German political support for a stronger European defense, Merz must shape public opinion rather than simply follow it.

The ultimate test of his chancellorship, however, may extend beyond Germany’s borders. Leading Germany is arguably the most important role in Europe, and polls indicate that most Europeans share his assessment of global threats.

In speeches rich with historical references and broad perspectives, Merz has outlined a vision of a Germany that no longer relies solely on economic power and strategic ambiguity, but instead works to build a more sovereign Europe.

Whether Merz’s geopolitical calculations remain steadfast after the U.S. war with Iran is yet to be seen. Merz is traveling to Washington this week. So far, he has avoided condemning the joint U.S.-Israel airstrikes, stating that now is not the time to “lecture” the U.S. and its allies about international law. That may be true, but it still matters when a German chancellor appears to dismiss international law as irrelevant. For Europe, a collection of smaller nations, international law is not an abstract concept—it is the very foundation of its security and stability.

A common criticism of Emmanuel Macron is that he serves as Europe’s “thinker-in-chief”: sharp in analysis and grand in ambition, but often unable to translate his eloquent rhetoric into tangible change.

Merz has an opportunity to chart a different course. However, if he fails to turn his words into a concrete, actionable plan for Europe’s benefit, he risks meeting the same fate. After all, as Herder wrote, if speech is silver, then action is gold.

Joseph de Weck is a fellow with the Foreign Policy Research Institute.

Frequently Asked Questions
Of course Here is a list of FAQs about the article Merzsplaining The chancellors overconfidence is unpopular in Germany But could it be what Europe needs by Joseph de Weck

Beginner Definition Questions

1 What is Merzsplaining
Merzsplaining is a term coined by the articles author to describe German Chancellor Olaf Scholzs communication style It refers to his tendency to explain complex geopolitical issueslike supporting Ukrainein a slow deliberate and sometimes condescending manner as if lecturing both the German public and other nations

2 What is the main argument of this article
The article argues that while Chancellor Scholzs cautious overconfident and often unpopular Merzsplaining frustrates many in Germany this same slowandsteady approach might be what Europe needs It creates stability allows for building durable political and industrial consensus and prevents rash decisions in a volatile world

3 Who is Joseph de Weck
Joseph de Weck is the author of the opinion piece and a Berlinbased columnist and writer likely specializing in German and European politics

Context Analysis Questions

4 Why is Scholzs overconfidence unpopular in Germany
Many Germans see him as hesitant and indecisive especially during crises like the Ukraine war His Merzsplaining style can come across as patronizing or out of touch with public urgency for clearer leadership and faster action

5 How could this unpopular style be what Europe needs
The article suggests that in a fragmented Europe facing major threats Scholzs method forces thorough debate ensures Germanys commitments are solid and lasting and provides a predictable anchor This prevents policy whiplash and builds a more resilient European stance

6 What examples does the article give of Merzsplaining in action
Key examples include his slow stepbystep explanation for delivering heavy weapons to Ukraine his unwavering commitment to ending German reliance on Russian energy and his push for European strategic autonomy and increased defense spending

7 What is the Zeitenwende and how does it relate to this
Zeitenwende is Scholzs landmark policy shift announced after Russias invasion of Ukraine It pledged