Two years ago, I had no political ambitions at all. I was a student at the Faculty of Technical Sciences in Novi Sad, my hometown, working on a PhD in human resources and just living my life. That changed when the canopy at the newly renovated train station in Novi Sad collapsed in November 2024, killing 16 people. I joined street protests and rallies in response to this shocking event, and like many others, I realized it had to be a turning point.
This was not an unavoidable tragedy. Systemic corruption and a culture of entrenched impunity were clear factors in the collapse. But instead of ordering a full and impartial investigation and owning up to official failures, the authorities began pushing back against us for demanding justice. We were vilified and attacked in the streets, but law enforcement did nothing. So we took refuge in our lecture halls and schools, barricading ourselves inside faculty buildings, prepared for a long struggle.
Democratic principles have long been ignored in Serbia, but we made sure to uphold them in our gatherings. As our coordination grew, we made sure every demonstration had the same clear goal: pressuring a corrupt government to meet our demands. These were demands that any free country would have accepted automatically. We wanted, for example, all documentation about the renovation of the Novi Sad railway station to be made public without redaction, and everyone responsible for the works to be held accountable. We demanded that those who assaulted us in the streets be arrested and prosecuted. Instead of agreeing, state officials began calling us fascists and traitors.
I was personally targeted for speaking out. As I handled media relations and communications, this often meant giving interviews to the country’s few remaining independent outlets. For this, the regime’s propaganda machine accused me of money laundering “millions” and conspiring with foreign powers. Others had to leave the country after being accused of high treason; some spent months in detention on fabricated, illegally obtained evidence. Many of us were placed under surveillance, our parents threatened, and many were fired from jobs and dragged through the mud in the pro-government popular press.
But none of that intimidation broke us; it only hardened our resolve. Eventually, when it became clear the regime would never concede, we chose to enter the electoral arena ourselves. That was the beginning of the Student List. Through open, democratic plenary sessions, we nominated people of integrity and competence, committed to justice and freedom for a silenced society.
Our aims were clear and never wavered: we wanted Serbia governed by the rule of law, independent public institutions, transparency, and solidarity in a fractured nation. We marched thousands of kilometers across Serbia, campaigning relentlessly and, I believe, helping to rekindle hope among the broader public. State propaganda could not drown out that much unfiltered grassroots momentum.
Now that the regime has fallen, our collective effort to rebuild Serbia begins. True, skeptics may argue that we have filled parliament with political novices. The truth is that we have filled it with people eager to serve and willing to learn. Our newly elected representatives are professors, doctors, lawyers, farmers, and scientists, all experts in their fields. Each has a proven record of honest work and civic integrity. They may lack traditional political backgrounds, but they have spent the past two years studying the realities of governance and public trust. That very lack of direct political involvement is why the Serbian people have placed their faith in us: they did not vote for slick rhetoric or cynical maneuvering. They voted for clean hands.
We are neither promising nor expecting overnight miracles from this victory; rather, we hope for something fundamentally radical for Serbia: normal, functioning institutions.First, we must dismantle the culture of impunity. That requires genuinely independent prosecutors, fully transparent public procurement, and legal accountability for anyone who treated state resources as personal spoils. For too long, our teachers, healthcare workers, and civil servants have seen their expertise take a back seat to party loyalty cards. We want to restore the dignity of these dedicated public servants.
We have taken our country back and are proud to stand as free citizens of Serbia. If this historic turning point proves anything, it is that this country does not belong to an untouchable ruling elite. It belongs to all of us. We have proven that dignity is non-negotiable. Now the real work begins. This victory marks the end of institutional fear. For the first time in years, we can breathe freely.
Novak Simin is a member of Serbia’s Student List movement.
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Frequently Asked Questions
Here is a list of FAQs based on the article As students we never sought power this is how we took back Serbia by Novak Simin
Beginner Questions
What is this article about
It is a firsthand account by a student Novak Simin explaining how a studentled movement in Serbia organized and successfully pushed back against the government
Who wrote the article
Novak Simin a student involved in the movement
What was the main goal of the students
They wanted to take back their country from corruption and authoritarian rule They did not want to seize power for themselves they wanted to restore democratic values and accountability
Did the students use violence
No The article emphasizes that the movement was peaceful and based on civic responsibility not aggression
What does we never sought power mean
It means the students were not trying to become politicians or rulers Their goal was to fix the system not to replace one corrupt leader with another
Intermediate Questions
How did the students organize so effectively
They used a decentralized model Instead of waiting for one leader to give orders students formed local groups where everyone had a voice They used social media and messaging apps to coordinate quickly
What were the main challenges they faced
They faced police pressure media smear campaigns and the risk of burnout They also had to overcome the fear of speaking out against a powerful regime
What role did social media play
It was crucial It allowed them to bypass statecontrolled media share information in realtime and mobilize large numbers of people quickly without a central headquarters
What is a plenum in this context
A plenum is a general assembly or meeting where decisions are made by consensus It was the basic organizational unit of the student movement ensuring everyone had a say
How did they handle disagreements within the movement
Through open discussion in the plenums They focused on shared goals rather than individual egos which helped them resolve conflicts and stay united
Advanced Questions
What specific tactics did the students use to take back Serbia
They used a mix of street protests civil disobedience and mutual aid They also focused on educationinforming citizens about their rights and the governments failuresand built solidarity with other groups like workers and farmers
